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The Scottish Radical Insurrection and General Strike of 1820 in many ways marked the culmination of the direct influence of the bourgeois-democratic goals of the French Revolution. By 1820 such was the rapid growth in industry, the great extent of the Clearances and the resultant growth in wage-slavery in central Scotland that workers had become increasingly aware of their power i- a class, their shared common experiences iid relationships in society and were prepared to act together in order to pursue wider political goals. The events of 1820 were the result of the learning process between radicalism and the early trade union movement, a process that was at least partly in reaction 10 government oppression. After the suppression of the 1790s the mantle of reform was largely abandoned by the middle-: Lasses, save for a small section of the Whigs wiio feared independent working class activity, and leadership of the reform movement increasingly moved to the left. The underground nature of trade unionism in this period fostered links with radicalism which would be strengthened and matured by the left-wing of the radicals in the years to come.

 

Reform during the 'Napoleonic Wars' (1803-15)

 

1820 Bonnymuir CairnThroughout the War years the nature of struggle switched from overtly political to industrial means. However while some historians point to these wars as evidence of a growing British national identity they have to ignore the evidence of independent Scottish working class activity and the reality that during the Napoleonic Wars it was 'only the rich who had reason to be patriotic' (1)

 

The Whig lawyer, Henry Cockburn, later commented on the general situation in Scotland from 1795-1820 that,"Nor was the absence of a free press compensated by the freedom of public speech. Public political meetings could not arise, for the elements did not exist... Nothing was viewed with such horror as any political congregation not friendly to the existing power. No one could have taken part in the business without making up his mind to be a doomed man."

 

While Cockburn was undoubtedly right about the consequences rebels faced in those dark days he had his own reasons for attempting to eradicate the legacy of independent working-class activity and simply ignored both the evidence of the radical mass meetings in defiance of the authorities and the organic links that developed between Radicalism and trade unionism. Cockburn neglected the political challenge to the status quo and working class support for mass-democratic meetings even during the war, such as happened at Bannockburn in 1814 when 15,000 marched to commemorate the 500th anniversary of the battle. The following year the local trade unions organised a mass rally to'celebrate the victory gained by the Covenanters over the kings troops at Dalry'.Some 10,000 of the 'democratic people' gathered and later marched two miles to the spot where ' William Wallace had fought his first battle with the English.'(2)This continual referral to the fights of Wallace and Bruce was a prominent aspect of the Radical period and an indicator of the nationalist sentiment that existed amongst ordinary workers. After the War ended mass reform meetings became common throughout industrial Scotland. Although the English working-class historian E.P.

 

Thomson noted of this period that,"it is possible... to regard the English and Scottish experiences as distinct, since the trade union and political links were impermanent and immature" his analysis of the English situation that, "it is a mistake to segregate in our minds political disaf-filiation and industrial organisation" applied equally as strongly in Scotland where trade union organisation had been outlawed earlier under common law. This had led to greater co-operation between radicals and trade unionists and helped give rise to a"Scottish Jacobinism [which] was more intense and heroic." (3)Moreover during the Napoleonic War there were minor incidents of Luddism in Scotland and a number of prosecutions of workers combinations such as the papermakers in 1808, shoemakers in 1811 and cotton weavers in 1813. This last trial, and the strike that preceded it were of no little importance in the development of the early class struggle in Scotland.

 

Cotton Weavers Strike 1812-13

 Calton Weavers Memorial

A set of regulations had been implemented in 1792 to regulate weaver's wages in the cotton industry but by 1811 wages had dropped from around 18s for a 6-day week to around 8s, and up to one half of Scottish weavers were out of work whilst capitalists used the pretext of War to push up prices. The Weavers had formed a union during the first decade of the century and by 1810 workers in the West of Scotland were locked out by bosses and forced to sign an anti-union agreement, but recruitment must have carried on undetected. For in 1812 the cotton weavers in the Glasgow area formed a committee and applied to the magistrates to fix a minimum wage level, citing an old piece of legislation from 1661. After a prolonged legal battle the magistrates were forced to concede to the workers demands. but the bosses appealed against their decision. The Court of Session ordered the magistrates to draw up a list of 'moderate and reasonable' wage rates. The bosses refused to pay and in Novernber 1812 the weavers came out on strike. The strike quickly spread across Scotland as far as Aberdeen and Carlisle and some 40,000 weavers stayed out for nine weeks in what was possibly Europe's biggest strike at that time. The authorities feared that the strike committee 'might easily be made instrumental for accomplishing seditious and treasonable de-signs' (4) and moved to crush it by illegally raiding the houses of the strike committee. The strike collapsed after 14 leaders were arrested and five jailed for up to 18 months for the 'crime' of combination. Amongst those sentenced was James Granger who'd been banished from Scotland following the Calton weavers' strike of 1787. It also saw the return to Glasgow of Maurice Margaret to support the weavers. Margaret had been active in the Radical movement in the 1790s and was the only one of the 'Edinburgh Martyrs' transported to Australia that didn't die in exile.

 

Another of the leaders of the strike committee. Alexander Richmond, fled the country and was outlawed. After returning and appealing for leniency he would enter into the pay of mill owner and Glasgow Tory MP, Kirkman Findlay, as a government spy. He would later report to Findlay that, "secret committees of the disaffected, consisting chiefly of the ringleaders of the combination of 1812, and of such members of the seditious societies of 1793 as were still alive have been formed in Glasgow, Ayrshire, Dumbarton & Stirlingshire". These committees would become known as the Scottish Union Societies taking as their model for organisation the United Scotsmen, who had begun to revive again in 1811. The Societies were composed of some fifteen to twenty members who elected delegates to a District Committee, which in turn elected delegates to a Central Committee, and again to a secret governing committee. These committees would emerge as the radical left-wing of the movement.

 

The weavers' strike had helped to expose the ruthless nature of capitalist society, the new doctrines of political economy and profit maximisation which had been propagated by Scottish Enlightenment figures such as Adam Smith. When the bosses and state united to act against the ruling of their own justiciary, to arrest and imprison the leading members of the Strike Committee and shortly afterwards repeal the 1661 legislation it only served to highlight the failures of this constitutional approach and strengthen the position of the left.

 

1817 Sedition Trials

 

The end of the Napoleonic Wars brought more misery for workers as mass unemployment resulted from the slump in production of war materials. The labour surplus that followed was exacerbated by the return of soldiers from the War, the continued ethnic cleansing of the Highlands and large numbers of Irish coming from north and south, who as Tom Johnston noted were heavily involved in the struggle, 'the entire left-wing of them almost to a man.'

 

When the government passed the Corn Laws in March 1815 to raise the price of cereals to subsidise the landlord class, workers responded by rioting in Glasgow, Dundee, Perth and other manufacturing centres. The English democrat Major Cartwright, of the Hampden Clubs, toured Scotland for two months and soon the Union Societies spread across the centres of population organising in workplaces and working-class communities. Before long large protest meetings were being held and in October 1816 some 40,000 attended a Reform demonstration at Thrushgrove, nr Glasgow despite the close presence of armed British troops in the Gallowgate. Shortly afterwards the Provost of Dunfermline was warning that 'the [Radical's] object is nothing less than revolution or rebellion; and what strengthens this opinion.... is that several of them who were particularly active in the seditious practices of 1793 have been the first to step forward on this occasion."

 

Four Bills were passed through parliament in February to halt the radicals the most important of which was the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, which meant that they could imprison radicals without trial - internment. On 23 February eighteen members of the Glasgow Committee were arrested in police raids with a view to staging a series of show-trials similar to those of 1793. A further nineteen soon followed them into the jails for other seditious practices, and many others simply did as they did throughout the 1790s and fled the country to evade British 'justice'.

 

In March Alexander McLaren and Thomas Baird from Kilmarnock were the first to be tried for sedition since 1802. McLaren, a muslin weaver who had been working six 15 hour shifts for a weekly wage of only 5s, was accused of making a seditious speech during which he asked, "Shall we, I say, whose forefathers defied the efforts of a foreign tyranny to enslave our beloved country, meanly permit in our day, without a murmur, a base oligarchy to feed their filthy vermin on our vitals." Baird was accused of publishing the speech as a 4-penny pamphlet and both were sentenced to 6 months. During the first of the government's planned show-trials for the Glasgow Committee it was exposed that the Advocate Depute had tried to bribe one of the accused, John Campbell, to turn informer against Glasgow weaver Andrew McKinlay. When Campbell told this to the court the case collapsed and the remaining prisoners were all released by July. Despite its legal failures the show of strength by the authorities had prevented any immediate progress for the Radicals. However it would only be a temporary halt and by 1819 radicalism was once again resurgent amidst renewed economic depression.

 

Build up to Rebellion 1819-20

 

Radical Revolt pamphletIn June that year the Kings birthday was 'celebrated' in Glasgow with considerable rioting that prevented the visit to the city of the future king of Belgium, Prince Leopold Saxe-Coburg. In July 30,000 attended a Radical meeting at Meikleriggs Muir, near Paisley. The defining moment however came in Manchester in August when yeomanry charged a 60,000 strong meeting in St. Peter's Field killing eleven and wounding hundreds more. The Tory dictatorship had shown its attitude to working class demands for reform and its actions inadvertently strengthened the position of the revolutionary left-republicans.

 

In September 18,000 radicals marched in Paisley behind black-edged banners to hear speakers denounce the 'Peterloo' Massacre in a display of international solidarity with the slaughtered English workers. When police attempted to seize some radical banners it sparked rioting that lasted for six days, spread to Glasgow and Bridgeton and required troops and cavalry to put down crowds armed with sticks and stones.

 

By October the Scottish radicals had launched a new paper 'The Spirit of the Union'. Only eleven issues were published before its editor, Gilbert McLeod, was arrested in January and the paper suppressed. Its publication coincided with a series of great reform meetings in Rutherglen, Ayr, Kilsyth, Paisley, Glasgow, Airdrie, Johnston, Kirkcaldy, Edinburgh and Kilmarnock. Many of these crowds were armed with pikes and pistols and the authorities were left in little doubt: ''All disguise is now thrown off— even the flimsy pretence of Radical Reform is laid aside — a complete revolution and plunder is avowed their object." (5)Both sides were preparing for conflict; it was just a matter of when.

 

Lord Liverpool's Tory government passed another series of anti-radical legislation known as the 'Six Acts' which cracked down further on seditious publications, large meetings, possession of arms and imposed a 4-penny tax on cheap newspapers in order to stem the radical press. In England Arthur Thistlewood and other leading radicals were arrested in February for plotting the assassination of the Cabinet in the 'Cato St. Conspiracy'.

 

Meanwhile the Scottish Radicals had a separate agenda and had formed a 28-member 'Committee for Organising a Provisional Government' from delegates of the various societies, to prepare for revolution and the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Scottish Republic. The London authorities were passed information from an informer that:"The Scottish Radicals have been making preparations for some little time now for a general rising in Scotland... Their plan is to set up a Scottish Assembly or parliament in Edinburgh, likewise similar assemblies are to be set up by the disaffected in England and Ireland. As far as can be gathered by our informants they are imbibed with the republican ideals that were preached by that odious band of disaffected called United Scotsmen.... whose aim was also the destruction of the unity of our kingdoms." (6)

 

Although Richmond had been exposed as a spy after the trials of 1817 he'd left behind a small group of British agents who'd infiltrated the movement to the highest level. One of these informers, Alexander King sat on the Provisional Committee and informed his spymasters of a secret meeting to take place in Glasgow on 21 March. From December to March there had been much low-level conflict across Scotland, open evidence of radicals preparing for insurrection, and many false alarms and rumours of rebellion. The authorities arrested the remaining 27 members of the Provisional Committee at the planned meeting and, as this telling piece of evidence from the Glasgow police commander to Lord Sidmouth shows, they put their own plan into action:"A week passed we apprehended their committee of organisation due to the efforts of an informant who has served his Government well...[The President] of this rabble has confessed their audacious plot to sever the Kingdom of Scotland from that of England and restore the ancient Scottish Parliament... if some plan were conceived by which the disaffected could be lured from their lairs — being made to think the day "liberty " had come — we could catch them abroad and undefended. The military in north Britain is more than adequate to round up such vermin. Our intelligence leads us to believe that few know of the apprehension of the leaders in this odious plot and so no suspicion would attach itself to the plan at all. I have given instructions to our informants on these lines.... and in a few days time shall you judge the results. It would by the necessity of their punishment, which must be harsh - quench all thoughts of patriotic pride and Radical feeling among the disaffected" (7)

 

"Liberty or Death"

 Executioners axe and cloak from Stirling 1820

During the night of April 1 proclamations to the 'Inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland' were posted up for around 40 miles round Glasgow urging the people to take up arms, "LIBERTY or DEATH is our Motto, and We have sworn to return home in triumph - or return no morel" April 5 was set as the day for the rising but beforehand workers were called upon, "to desist from their Labour from and after this day, the First of April, and attend wholly to the recovery of their Rights." Scotland's first General Strike.

 

From Girvan to Stirling, 70 miles from east to west, and from Dumbarton to Lanark, 40 miles, all the manufacturing, mechanical and labouring population became, or -were thrown, idle and prepared for the most desperate designs." (8) By Monday afternoon nothing moved. Large crowds roamed the streets and there were reports of Radicals openly marching and drilling through the streets in anticipation. But devoid of their leadership those who wanted to rise were uncoordinated and easy victims for the elaborate plans of the state agents who were eagerly spreading stories of rebellion in Ireland, an 80,000 strong English radical army and a French navy landing on the Ayrshire coast. Unsurprisingly sections of the Radicals denounced it from the outset as a government plot.

 

Whatever the eventual ineptitude of the Rising it is clear that nothing less than insurrection was being planned. For months beforehand there had been constant manufacture and expropriation of arms as well as nocturnal drilling and training often under the guidance of ex-soldiers. The immediate totality of the strike in the area where the proclamation was issued showed the general support for such action from the mass of the population. Moreover the strike and the insurrection were supported across the working class, by artisans and labourers, weavers, shoemakers, cotton spinners, masons, colliers, wrights and others, all bound together by one common factor - their relationship to the means of production. In fact such was the strength of the strike and the size of the area it covered that it seems very possible that the real number of participants must have been far higher than the commonly accepted figure of 60,000.

 

However the rising was doomed from the outset. Thousands of red-coated English and Irish soldiers had been stationed in central Scotland, alongside the local loyalist Yeomanry forces.(9) When action did come it was either sporadic and unplanned or else undertaken at the instigation of British agents. One such duped band of rebels marched from Glasgow making for the Car-ron Iron Works where they were informed that the Carron workers had struck work and that they'd find cannons and guns for the rebellion. But after the spy King had made his excuses and left they were confronted by the 10th Hussars at Bonnymuir. Standing by the declaration to"return home in triumph - or return no more" they decided to fight, but ill-equipped and out-numbered their defences were soon broken and they were forced to surrender with 18 taken prisoner and four wounded. Similarly at Strathaven another small group were informed that a Radical Army was camped at the Cathkin Braes to the south of Glasgow waiting for the signal to attack. They marched off to join them carrying the banner of the Strathaven Union Society proclaiming,'Scotland Free or a Desart'.When they arrived and found no army waiting they sent for news from Rutherglen and soon found out about the battle at Bonnymuir. Realising they'd been duped they made for home but thirteen of them were arrested shortly after their return.

 

In Renfrewshire, which had long been a hotbed of radicalism, events took the former course. The week following the posting of the Proclamation had seen crowds of up to several thousands gather in Paisley to await the signal. The presence of so many soldiers sparked rioting throughout the week which left three locals dead, including one local radical leader Adam Cochrane. Eventually the jails filled up and plans were made to transfer five of the radicals to Greenock jail on Saturday. An 80-strong militia accompanied the prisoners but on reaching Greenock they were confronted by a hostile crowd who condemned them as 'traitors'. In the stand-off that followed the army opened fire and killed nine men, women and children. Later that evening the crowd returned to the jail, chased off the police, broke in and liberated the radicals. Events elsewhere tended to follow this course of small and localised action; drilling & marching, attacks on troops, workplaces, anti-trade union bosses and the like, but they lacked the co-ordination and leadership that would have been present had this Rebellion been truly at the timing and instigation of the Provisional Committee.

 

The Lanarkshire authorities had almost immediately issued a reward of £300 for information about those involved with the Proclamation, before warning to"those who have been so far seduced or intimidated as to Strike Work, that they are thereby assisting in the Rebellious Plans alluded to in this Address: - that they are participators in the guilt and are exposing themselves to the certain punishment of High Treason."The bosses and authorities moved to smash militancy in the factories and mills by signing a counter-revolutionary resolution to test workers,"by which means the good will be distinguished from the bad", in order to blacklist radical sympathisers. In the coming weeks hundreds of radicals were interned and though low level resistance continued through the summer their efforts were ultimately to no avail.

 

'Murder! Murder! Murder!'

 SRSP at Strathaven 1820 commemoration

In all 88 radicals were charged with High Treason. A special court of Oyer & Terminer was convened to try the prisoners under English Law as Scots law was brushed aside in a colonial fashion. An English sergeant John Hullock was sent north to ensure that the Scottish Whig lawyers were kept 'right on the [English] law of Treason'. Forty-one of those charged fled the country even though the evidence against most prisoners was unconvincing. Juries were reluctant to convict probably as much for fear of recrimination as for genuine sympathy for the rebels and after two prisoners were acquitted for lack of evidence a further 21 others on similar charges had their cases dropped. Initially 24 were sentenced to be 'hanged, beheaded and quartered' but due to public pressure all bar three of these were reduced to sentences of transportation.

 

However these were only the trials for High Treason. Many others were tried under Scots law in the normal legal proceedings for other acts of sedition, and so the final number transported for various actions during the rebellion was higher still. The Radical Committee who were arrested in March were still being held in jail in November and their eventual fate is still unknown. Further to this there were large numbers that fled from the authorities and Tom Johnston cites 72 such cases from the then village of Bridgeton alone. It would seem unlikely that this was a unique case.

 

Examples had to be set and three radicals were soon brought before the gallows. The first was James Wilson, a sixty-three year old weaver who'd participated in the Strathaven march. There was mass public sympathy for Wilson who, suspecting a government plot, had turned back from the march at Hamilton. But he was a long-term republican agitator who was aware that the authorities wished to make an example of him and as he was sentenced he declared:

 

"You want a victim: I will not shrink from the sacrifice. I have neither expected justice nor mercy here. I have done my duty to my country. I have grappled with her oppressors for the last forty years and having no desire to live in slavery, I am ready to lay down my life in support of these principles which must ultimately triumph."

 

On 30 August 20,000 gathered on Glasgow Green to witness his execution. Leaflets had been circulated amongst the crowd and as the executioner stepped up a shout of 'Murder!' ran out from the assembled masses. In the confusion that followed soldiers from the 3rd Dragoons Guards attacked a section of the crowd causing many injuries. Similarly at Stirling soldiers had to take aim into the crowd to allow the execution of John Baird and Andrew Hardie, two ex-soldiers who had led the radicals into the 'Battle of Bonnymuir'. Though the houses of several witnesses and cotton mills were attacked in the aftermath of their execution the governments repression had served its purpose. The suspicion that swept through the movement ended the Union Societies as a political force. The Whigs would soon take up the cause of reform with their attachment to the class system and great fear of radical working class extra-parliamentary agitation.

 

The Scottish capitalist class was weaker than jin England and they relied on the maintenance of the Union in order to preserve their position within society. They feared the working class organisation that had emerged with the Scottish Union Societies and which was still imbibed with the same anti-Union spirit as the 'common folk" were in 1707. They determined to oppose "the great radical evil which now threatens the country" by filling "this chasm, to occupy the middle ground and to show how large a proportion of the people are attached to the constitution."(10) In December they organised a large meeting at the Pantheon in Edinburgh to petition the notoriously anti-Radical King George IV to dismiss his Ministers, and to try to bring the working-class under the Whig banner, against the Tories - and against their own class interests. Moreover industrially the workers movement fell under further pressure with the emergence of orangeism as a reactionary tool to divide workers during the 1820s. similar to its origins in Ireland during the 1790s.

 

The Legacy of 1820

 

Sighthill 1820 commemoration 1970s GlasgowThe legacy of 1820 continues to pose controversy over the radical's objectives particularly surrounding the 'national question". Many historians have totally eliminated all reference to the Republican goals of the Union Societies in order to portray the Rising in a British context and being British in nature and character. Most of these arguments are easily refuted by Berresford Ellis and Mac a'Ghobhainn in their comprehensive account of the Rebellion but conversely they make no mention of the existence of pro-British elements such as the display of banners carrying reference to the rights of the Magna Charta which were in some cases carried side-by-side with banners harking back to the Wars of Independence and the struggle of Wallace and Bruce. Moreover there are others such as T.C. Smout who totally downplay the significance of 1820 a merely a sectional struggle of Weavers against industrialisation. None of these approaches are satisfactory to a proper understanding of the forces involved. These matters have not been aided by the practise of the Union Societies, like the United Scotsmen before them, not to keep written records of their activities for fear of prosecution. Coupled with the 'disappearance" of official records of the trials and related evidence it adds up to a large gap in knowledge about the Radicals activity in which historians have to try to piece together much of what happened and beware of deliberate state misinformation.

 

To try to portray all the forces involved in the struggle as a homogenous mass is to downplay the significance of the class forces involved, and it is only be placing the events in this class context that the often contradictory differences can be explained. After the suppression of the Scottish Friends of the People in the 1790s radicalism was abandoned by the middle-classes. However a section of the middle-class Whigs remained committed to reform of Parliament and they continued to work with the more moderate, reformist elements of the working class, who organised the large reform meetings to petition Parliament.

 

This was not really an option for the underground Union Societies. Each step of the process from the Friends of the People through the United Scotsmen down to the Union Societies was met with mass repression and sedition trials which in turn served to advance the struggle to the left, and also push it further underground. For the Union Societies to organise mass rallies in support of a Scottish Republic would have immediately led to mass arrests for High Treason as there was little in the way of 'freedom of speech' at this time. However Richmond had reported that the Union Societies had discussed the organisation and tactics of both the United Scotsmen and Irishmen and had resolved to follow their tactics for revolution. (11)

 

Their basis of organisation was in both workplaces and neighbourhoods and it is here that they became the representatives of the working class in this struggle. Whatever the origins of the Proclamation that was issued it seems reasonable to assume that the general strike tactic was being advanced by the left-wing of the Radicals and that it commanded the support of the mass of the working-class where it was posted, and this cannot be overlooked because it contains the essence of the split between the moderate reformers and left-wing republican proletarian revolutionaries.

 

The correspondence between the Glasgow Police Commandant. James Mitchell, and the Home Secretary. Lord Sidmouth. in the weeks immediately prior to the Rising shows clearly the real intentions of the Radicals to 'sever the kingdom of Scotland froth thai of England and restore the ancient Scottish Parliament'.So it is clear that the Republican left as representative of the most advanced section of the working class forces were indeed set upon breaking the Union with England.

 

Moreover a quick look at the history of the middle-classes since the Union would help explain their attachment to Constitutional reforms. The capitalist class in Scotland had increasingly benefited from Union through increased access to England's imperial markets and they increasingly became identified with the British state and with carving a greater say for themselves in the running of that state. Scottish independence for the capitalist class was simply not desirable. This situation was to be repeated throughout the Empire in the years to come where an aspiring native middle-class would increasingly become identified with the interests of their Imperial rulers and would adopt the mannerisms and customs of the colonisers. In Scotland at this time this can most vividly be seen with reference to the activity of certain lowland Scots involved in the Clearances such as Patrick Sellar who held the native highlanders beneath contempt and constantly referred to them as 'aboriginal' or 'uncivilised'. In opposition to this though Radicals sided with their fellow countrymen and it is noticeable that when the capitalist class was carrying out acts of aggression against Highlanders Radical speakers were able to draw comparisons between the massacres of Peterloo and Glencoe over a century earlier. (12)

 

For the working class though there was no similar attachment to the British state. The interests of the working class were not dependent on the maintenance of the union and this is why a left-republican working class force emerged to seriously threaten the hegemony of the British state at this time, and also instil fear of revolution amongst the native Scottish capitalist class. Equally though the Radicals intentions were internationalist and they, like the United Scotsmen, looked to work in co-operation with their English and Irish comrades as free and equal partners in order to establish democratic republics in England. Ireland and Scotland, a situation most noticeable with regards to the complete organisational independence of the Scottish radicals. This proto-socialist. republican and internationalist perspective is the clear legacy of the 1820 radicals and the forerunner of the republican socialist position and national liberation struggle of the 21st century.

 

Selected References

 

 

1) W.H. Meikle. Scot/and & the French Revolution. (1912)

2) Wm Aiton. A History of the Re-encounter at Drumclog, (1821), p 97-9. J .D. Young, The Rousing of the Scottish Working Class. (1979). p.59

3) E.P. Thomson, The Making of the English Working Class. (1968). p.14. 546, 14

4) Meikle, p.219. letter from Lord Advocate Colquhoun to Lord Sidmouth

5) T. Steele, Scotland's Story, (1984), p.225, letter Lord Advocate Hope to Lord Melville,9Nov 1819

6) P. Berresford Ellis & S. Mac a' Ghobhainn, Scottish Insurrection 'of 1820. (1989). p.139 letter James Mitchell. Glasaow Police Commandant to Sidmouth, 18 Mar 1820

7) Ellis, p. 140. Mitchell to Sidmouth, 29 Mar 1820

8) T. Johnston, The History of the Working Classes in Scotland, (1974). p.240, 'A letter to his grace the Duke of Hamilton & Brandon detailing the events of the late rebellion in the West of Scotland 'by 'A British Subject"

9) Johnston., G. Eyre Todd, History of Glasgow V.3. Troops stationed in Central Scotland at the time 7th& 10th Hussars, 80th Regiment, 83rdRegiment.Cavalry massed at Hamilton, Airdrie. Stirling & Kilsyth. Yeomanry at Glasgow. Paisley, Falkirk & Bathgate

11) W.L Mathieson. Church & Reform in Scotland. p 168. J D Young, Rousing of the Scottish Working Class, p.73, words of Francis Jeffrey

11)Meikle, p.221

12)Ellis,p.l27, Speaker at KMcaldy demo. 3 Nov 1819